Voting Participation in the U.S. Presidential Elections

Introduction Recent studies of political attitudes and voting patterns in the United States presidential elections demonstrate that voter loyalties and voting trends have undergone a major shift since the original large-scale voting studies were initiated in the 1940s and 1950s (Guterbock, 1980).Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on Voting Participation in the U.S. Presidential Elections specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More In the American context, the presidential elections are often a hotly contested affair between the traditionally business-oriented Republicans and the labor-oriented Democrats (Gelman, Kenworthy Su, 2010). However, as suggested by Gonzalez (2012), U.S. presidential elections are won on a number of platforms other than the philosophical leanings of the candidates or party interests. In this regard, it is important to evaluate the determinants of voting participation in the U.S. presidential el ections not only to assist political parties to polish their campaigns during the electioneering period, but also to inform policy decisions at the party level. While it is a well known fact that most Americans consider themselves as Republican or Democrat, a strand of existing political literature (e.g., Newman, 2001; Pasek et al., 2009; Weisberg, 2007) demonstrates that presidential election results are paradoxically predicated upon a multiplicity of factors other than partisan voting. While these studies exhibit rekindled interest in the existence of factors outside party identification that are intrinsically involved in determining the results of the presidential election (Holbrook McClurg, 2005), less attention has been devoted to examining the mechanisms by which these factors activate or deactivate partisanship and mobilize core supporters toward voting for a particular presidential candidate Wildavsky, 2011). Interestingly, many of these studies tend to deal with individual factors to understand voting patterns in U.S. presidential elections though common practice demonstrates that a number of factors are involved in efforts to shape the voting discourse and trajectory. The present study aims to fill this research gap by analyzing four possible determinants of voting participation in U.S. presidential elections: media, religion, social economic status and level of education. A comprehensive review of these factors is presented in the subsequent sections.Advertising Looking for research paper on government? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Available literature demonstrates that the media (print, electronic, Internet) has an agenda-setting capacity or â€Å"the ability to influence not what people think, but what they think about† (Newton Brynin, 2001 p. 225). This view is reinforced by Gonzalez (2012), who acknowledges that most modern media platforms have the capacity to prime or frame is sues in a manner that leads the audience or users to think about them in one way rather than another. Extending and supporting the work in this nascent area of research, Newman (2001) claims that victory in the U.S. presidential election often goes to the candidate who wages the best marketing campaign using available media platforms not only to make an emotional connection with the people, but also to project an image of honesty, compassion and toughness in the minds and hearts of the American people. Other scholars note that â€Å"both candidates and voters have increased their use of the Internet for political campaigns† (Robertson, Vatrapu Medina, 2010 p. 11). Presidential candidates, according to these authors, have adopted many Internet-based tools to communicate with voters, collect contributions, foster community and organize political campaigns, whereas voters have adopted Internet tools to relate to the presidential candidates, engage in political discourse, follow activist causes, and share information. The relationship between religion and the U.S. presidential elections has been investigated by a number of scholars. In his seminal work on religious identity and the U.S. presidency, Gonzalez (2012) found that â€Å"the relationship between religion and the presidency impacts both the viability of candidates and the manner in which decisions are made in the voting booth† (p. 568). In the 2012 presidential elections, for instance, Republican candidate Mitt Romney suffered considerable stigma from the American voters due to his close association with Mormon religious doctrines (Gonzalez, 2012).Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on Voting Participation in the U.S. Presidential Elections specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Manza and Brooks (1997) are of the opinion that in the U.S political landscape, religious-oriented cleavages may have been a more fundamental fact or for understanding the social roots of voter alignments than the class cleavage owing to the fact that Americans normally claim higher levels of church membership and attendance at religious gatherings and hence are more likely to believe in God and claim that religion is of substantial importance in their lives. Social economic status has been shown as a possible determinant of voting participation in the U.S. presidential elections. A study by Southwell (2004) shows that unemployed and economically-disadvantaged people are less likely to take part in voting, whereas their employed and rich counterparts derive much satisfaction from participating in presidential elections. This author further explains that persons experiencing financial difficulties are â€Å"less likely to participate in elections because the stressful nature of economic adversity forces a preoccupation with personal economic problems and makes the individual withdraw from political or community matters as a re sult† (p. 237-238). Guterbock (1980) used ecological data from the Midwestern city of Middletown to demonstrate that although there is a perceived weakening of the relationship between socioeconomic status (SES) and electoral choices, a considerable number of eligible Americans continue to vote along class and racial lines. According to the researcher, wealthy people and those in white-collar occupations continue to vote for Republican candidates to maintain the status quo, while middle class (working class) voters and immigrants vote for Democrat candidates because the policies projected by the Democratic Party are perceived as more responsive to their interests. Lastly, a number of research studies have investigated the relationship between a voter’s level of education and his or her voting participation in the U.S. presidential elections. Although the results are not conclusive, Coley and Sum (2012) â€Å"reveal a startling stratification at the nation’s poll ing stations, from a voting rate of 3.5 percent for voting-age high school dropouts to 80.5 percent for well-off, advanced-degree holders between the ages of 55 and 64† (p. 2).Advertising Looking for research paper on government? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More These authors found a significant association between the level of education and civic engagement (e.g., participating in elections), leading to the conclusion that the nation’s less-educated, lower-income eligible voters have willingly disenfranchised themselves form the voting process. One Canadian study analyzing the last federal election found that â€Å"the voting rate among people with a university degree was 78% compared with rates of 60% or lower among those with a high school education or less† (Uppal LaRochelle-Cote, 2012 para. 12). These figures demonstrate that education may have a ‘positive effect’ on voting patterns not only in the U.S. but also internationally. The present study is interested in testing the following hypotheses. The first hypothesis is that voters with high media exposure (TV) are more likely to participate in U.S. presidential elections than voters with low media exposure. The second hypothesis is that voters with a solid religious orientation are more likely to determine the outcomes of the U.S. presidential election than voters with a secular orientation. he third hypothesis is that social economic status is a strong predictor in determining the probability of voting in the U.S. presidential elections. The last hypothesis is that voters with low levels of education are less likely to take part in presidential elections than voters with high levels of education. Methods The data for this study were extracted from a larger database known as the General Social Survey (GSS), which is basically a nationwide survey intended to capture the demographic, behavioral and attitudinal views of Americans on a wide range of issues. The GSS is a probability sampling national survey completed through personal questionnaires targeted at non-institutionalized individuals over the age of 18 years. Information from the GSS official website shows that â€Å"the 1972-2012 GSS has 5,545 variables, time-trends for 2,072 v ariables, and 268 trends having 20+ data points† (General Social Survey, 2013 para. 2). The 1996 data set was used in this study, and the sample size drawn for analysis consisted of 1,419 Americans. Data relevant to the dependent and the independent variables were used to test the hypotheses. Questions were posed to the participants and the responses entered into the corresponding categories in line with a quantitative approach. However, some items were not operationalized and required the respondents to give their responses in an open-ended manner. These responses were later operationalized by the researcher around underlying themes and then analyzed quantitatively using the IBM SPSS Statistics program. While the ordinal level of measurement was mostly used when values for the responses represented categories with some intrinsic ranking, the nominal level of measurement was used when values for the responses showed no form of intrinsic ranking, whereas the scale level of meas urement was employed when values for the responses represented ordered categories demonstrating a meaningful metric (Balnaves Caputi, 2001). For this study, the independent variables include respondent’s highest level of education (measured using ordinal level by ranking participants against the intrinsic categories for educational achievement), TV hours and Internet hours (measured using scale level by stating the number of hours respondents use per day watching TV), respondents income for the last year (measured using ordinal level by entering the respondent’s income for the last year into predetermined intrinsic categories), and belief in life after death (measured using nominal level as a â€Å"YES/NO† response). The dependent variable is whether the respondents voted in the 1996 U.S. presidential election. As already mentioned, the sample size for this study is 1,419. Quantitative techniques were employed to analyze the data with the view to testing the st ated hypotheses. Descriptive statistics (frequency distributions and cross tabulations) were used to demonstrate the frequency of occurrence and the relationships between the dependent and independent variables. Chi-square tests were also done for purposes of identifying which frequencies and relationships could be considered statistically significant. The results are presented in the following section. Results Table 1 shows the cross-tabulation of the number of number of hours per day respondents spent watching TV and if they voted in the 1996 presidential elections. It is imperative to note that over two-thirds (67.9%) of respondents who spent a minimum of two hours per day watching the TV voted against only 118 (25.1%) who spent the same number of hours but did not vote. Similarly, 205 (67.9%) of respondents who spent 3-5 hours watching the news voted in the 1996 general elections against 23 (27.6%) who spent similar number of hours but did not vote. The Pearson Chi-Square test s howed a df of 45 and two-sided significance of 0.290, while the Spearman Correlation Coefficient showed an approximate significance of 0.082. Consequently, the level of occurrences and relationship is significant enough to prove that voters with high media exposure are more likely to participate in voting than voters with low media exposure. Table 1: Hours spent watching TV and Participation in 1996 General Elections Hours per day watching TV (n=880) Did Respondent Vote in 1996 General Election Voted Did not Vote Ineligible Refused to Answer Total 0-2 hrs 319 (67.9) 118 (25.1) 33 (7.0) 0 470 (53.4) 3-5 hrs 205 (64.3) 88 (27.6) 25 (7.8) 1 (0.3) 319 (36.3) 6-8 hrs 33 (55.9) 23 (39.0) 3 (5.1) 0 59 (6.7) Over 8 hrs 17 (53.1) 15 (46.9) 0 0 32 (3.6) Total 574 (65.2) 244 (27.7) 61 (6.9) 1(0.9) 880 (100) N.B: Row percentages are presented in parenthesis Table 2 shows the cross-tabulation of perceptions of belief in life after death (to demonstrate religiosity) and if res pondents voted in the 1996 presidential elections. From the cross-tabulation, it is clear that out of 521 valid cases of respondents who voted in the 1996 presidential elections, 449 (86.2%) believed in life after death (religiosity) while only 72 (13.8%) of those who voted said there was no life after death. The Pearson Chi square and linear-by-linear association showed a weak relationship between the independent and dependent variable (0.003 and 0.004 respectively at 0.05 significance level) but the high occurrence of those who voted in the 1996 election and demonstrated a faith or belief in life after death proves that voters with a solid religious orientation are more likely to determine the outcomes of the U.S. presidential election than voters with a secular orientation. Table 2: Belief in Life after Death and Participation in the 1996 Presidential Elections Belief in Life after Death (n=807) Did Respondent Vote in 1996 General Election Voted Did not Vote Ineligible Total Yes 449 (86.2) 181 (78.3) 40 ( 72.7) 670 (83.0) No 72 (13.8) 50 (21.7) 15 (27.3) 137 (17.0) Total 521 (64.6) 231 (28.6) 55 (6.8) 807 (100) N.B: Column percentages are presented in parenthesis Table 3 demonstrates the cross-tabulation between the social economic status (measured by income for last year) of respondents and if they voted in the 1996 presidential elections. From the cross-tabulation, it is evident that of the 573 respondents who participated in the 1996 presidential election, 105 (18.3 %) earned a salary of up to $12,999 per year, 341(59.5%) respondents earned between $12,500 and $49,000, and a further 127 (22.2%) earned $50,000 or more per year. The Pearson Chi-square and linear-by-linear association (both at 0.000 at 0.05 significance level) demonstrated no significant association that could have given credence to the hypothesis in symmetric measures. However, the cross-tabulation analysis proves that social economic status (as measured by respondents†™ income for the previous year) is a strong predictor for participation during presidential elections. Table 3 Respondents Income for Last Year and Participation in 1996 Presidential Election Income for Last Year (n=905) Did Respondent Vote in 1996 General Election Voted Did not Vote Ineligible Total Under $3,999 38 (6.6) 20 (7.1) 20 (39.2) 78 (8.6) $4000-6,999 24 (4.9) 16 (5.7) 9 (17.7) 49 (5.4) $7000-12,499 43 (7.5) 34 (12.1) 5 (9.8) 82 (9.1) $12,500-19,999 70 (12.2) 62 (22.1) 6 (11.8) 138 (15.3) $20,000-29,999 90 (15.7) 65 (23.1) 3 (5.9) 158 (17.5) $30,000-49,999 181 (31.6) 58 (20.6) 5 (9.8) 244 (26.9) $50,000-89,999 100 (17.5) 22 (7.8) 2 (3.9) 124 (13.7) $90,000 and above 27 (4.7) 4 (1.4) 1 (2.0) 32 (3.5) Total 573 (63.3) 281 (31.1) 51 (5.6) 905 (100.0) N.B: Column percentages are presented in parenthesis Table 4 shows the cross-tabulation analysis of the respondents’ highest level of education and participation in the 1996 presidential elect ion. The Pearson chi-square analysis and linear-by-linear association both demonstrated that there was a significant relationship between level of education and participation in presidential voting (Pearson Chi-square = 103.702, df-6, p =.004; linear-by-linear association = 93.526, df = 1, p = 0.000). The Lambda measure of association revealed a strong association between variables (0.774). Table 4: Educational Level and Participation in 1996 Presidential Election Educational Level (degree) (n=1366) Did Respondent Vote in 1996 General Election Voted Did not Vote Ineligible Total Less than high school 95 (10.8) 99 (25.1) 32 (36.0) 226 (16.5) High School 441 (49.9) 218 (55.3) 45 (50.6) 704 (51.5) Junior College or More 347 (39.3) 77 (19.5) 12 (13.5) 436 (32.0) Total 883 (64.6) 394 (28.8) 89 (6.5) 1366 (100.0) N.B: Row percentages are presented in parenthesis The cross-tabulation above demonstrates that out of the 883 respondents who participated in the 1996 president ial voting, 778 (89.2%) had a high school degree and above. This analysis together with the measures of association and significance proves that voters with low levels of education are less likely to take part in presidential elections than voters with high levels of education. Discussion The findings of this study demonstrate that media exposure, religion, social economic status and level of education are important determinants of voter participation in the U.S. presidential elections. Consequently, the present study reinforces findings of other studies that have evaluated individuals attributes (variables) and found them to have a significant influence on voting behaviors and patterns. In this study, media exposure has been found to be positively associated with a high likelihood of participating in presidential elections. This can be explained in terms of the capacity of media platforms to set the agenda of political campaigns with the view to influencing what the voters think ab out (Newton Brynin, 2001), and also in terms media’s capacity to prime or frame political issues in a manner that will lead the audience to see the need for casting their vote on the election day (Gonzalez, 2012). Through priming and framing of issues in Television channels, candidates are able to not only project an appealing image to the audience, but also create an emotional bond with viewers (Robertson et al., 2010, hence sustaining the audience’ desire to participate in elections. This study has also demonstrated how religious orientation is critical to informing voter decision to participate in presidential elections. However, as insinuated by Manza and Brooks (1997) that religious-oriented cleavages may have been a more fundamental factor for understanding the social roots of voter alignments than the class cleavage, the present study found both variables to be equally important in influencing voter participation in U.S. presidential election. In social class, this study reinforces the findings of other previous studies (e.g., Guterbock, 1980; Southwell, 2004) that economically disadvantaged Americans are less likely to vote than their well-off counterparts. The level of education has also being shown as a strong predictor to voting participation during the presidential elections, with findings demonstrating that eligible voters who have been unable to graduate from high school are less likely to vote than high school graduates and diploma/degree holders. Although the voting pattern (3.5% for eligible high school dropouts to 80.5% for well-off, advanced degree holders) demonstrated by Cole and Sum (2012) has not been replicated in this study, the view that uneducated voters are less likely to participate in elections than more educated voters has been well reinforced. There exist some limitations to the present study. First, the use of secondary data has brought difficulties in operationalizing some variables such as religion. The researc her had to rely on evaluating if respondents believed in life after death to determine their religious orientation. However, common knowledge demonstrates that not all people who believe in life after death are religious and not all religious people believe in life after death. The case of missing data values also presented a challenge during data analysis. Additionally, it can be said that some of the variables used are limited in scope and therefore could not be relied upon in a rigorous scientific research. Because presidential elections are a closely contested affair in the United States, it is imperative for policy makers and political players to know the factors that determine the participation of voters in the election. Knowledge of such determinants (media, social economic status, religion, and level of education) will not only help in prioritizing campaign needs for political parties, but also in ensuring that effective strategies are employed to woo voters to participate i n elections. It should be remembered that presidential candidate Mitt Romney lost considerable number of votes due to poor understanding of religious orientation as an important underpinning in U.S. elections. It is therefore suggested that more research needs to be done to analyze the dynamics of these determinants and how they are played out in party politics. References Balnaves, M., Caputi, P. (2001). Introduction to quantitative research methods: An investigative approach. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Coley, R.J., Sum, A. (2012). Fault lines in our democracy: Civic knowledge, voting behavior, and civic engagement in the United States. Retrieved from http://www.ets.org/s/research/19386/rsc/pdf/18719_fault_lines_report.pdf Gelman, A., Kenworthy, L., Su, Y.S. (2010). Income inequality and partisan voting in the United States. Social Science Quarterly, 91(5), 1203-1219. Retrieved from http://www.stat.columbia.edu/~gelman/research/published/ssqfinal.pdf General Social Su rvey. (2013). Retrieved from http://www3.norc.org/gss+website/ Gonzalez, M.A. (2012). Religion and the US presidency: Politics, the media, and religious identity. Political Theology, 13(5), 565-585. Guterbock, T.M. (1980). Social class and voting choices in Middletown. Social Forces, 58(4), 1044-1056. Holbrook, T.M., McClurg, S.D. (2005). The mobilization of core supporters: Campaigns, turnout, and electoral composition in United States elections. American Journal of Political Science, 49(4), 689-703. Manza, J., Brooks, C. (1997). The religious factor in U.S. presidential elections, 1960-1992. AJS, 103(1), 38-81. Retrieved from http://as.nyu.edu/docs/IO/3858/The_Religious_Factor_in_U.S._Presidential_Elections.pdf Newman, B.I. (2001). An assessment of the 2000 US presidential election: A set of political marketing guidelines. Journal of Public Affairs, 1(3), 210-216. Newton, K., Brynin, M. (2001). The national press and party voting in the UK. Political Studies, 49(2), 265-285. Pa sek, J., Tahk, A., Lelkes, Y., Krosnick, J.A., Payne, B.K., Akhter, O., Tompson, T. (2009). Determinants of turnout and candidate choice in the 2008 U.S. presidential election: Illuminating the impact of racial prejudice and other considerations. Public Opinion Quarterly, 73(5), 943-994. Retrieved from https://www.stanford.edu/dept/communication/faculty/krosnick/docs/2008/2008_poq_pasek_determinants.pdf Robertson, S.P., Vatrapu, R.K., Medina, R. (2010). Off the wall political discourse: Facebook use in the 2008 U.S, presidential election. Information Polity: The International Journal of Government Democracy in the Information Age, 15(1/2), 11-31. Southwell, P. (2004). Economic voting in volatile times. Journal of Political Military Sociology, 32(2), 237-247. Uppal, S., LaRochelle-Cote, S. (2012). Factors associated with voting. Retrieved from http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/75-001-x/2012001/article/11629-eng.htm Weisberg, H.F. (2007). The one thing you need to know about voting in American presidential elections. Retrieved from http://www.rochester.edu/college/psc/conferences/niemi2007/pdf/Voting%20in%20Presidential%20Elections.pdf Wildavsky, A. (2011). Presidential elections: Strategies and structures of American politics. New York, NY: Rowman Littlefield Publishers. This research paper on Voting Participation in the U.S. Presidential Elections was written and submitted by user Brylee Franklin to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

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Due to the fact that domestic violence affects a large number of people, it is plausible to say that leaving the abuser is not as easy as people may think which would ultimately stop the abuse. Since this is true, law enforcement must approach domestic violence as serious as they approach any other significant crime by providing time, resources and attention. Given that law enforcement is spending a ton of time focusing on domestic violence, it is important for these agencies to establish a domestic violence policy that indicates reports will be completed on each domestic violence call regardless of whether or not an arrest was made. The most significant and respected service a law enforcement officer can provide to a victim is an arrest of their abuser (Klein,  2009). Prosecutors Prosecutors play a very important role in the prosecution of abusers within the criminal justice system in hopes of providing harsh judgments preventing reoffending and better protection of victims. If prosecutors fail to prosecute the bulk of domestic violence cases conducted by law enforcement an internal examination into their practices, policies, and priorities should be conducted providing an explanation as to why fewer prosecutions are being processed. They should not allow victims who are unwilling to prosecute their abuser stop them from proceeding on with the case. If a vast number of victims are willing to sign an affidavit of non prosecution, it is certain that prosecutors and law enforcement must come up with a better a way for victims to trust them so more cases are prosecuted. For prosecutors to gain a more successful prosecution rate, they must enhance victim cooperation and involvement by concentrating on the victim’s fears of being abused again or testifying i n court without fear of retaliation. In the event that a defendant possesses serious risk to the victim during trial, prosecutors must take all measures to protect the victim to effectively prosecute the case. It has been insisted upon by the judge that prosecutors report to the court any defendant’s negative actions such as reoffending, threatening or intimidating the victim so that potentially other charges can be added while the original case is still pending. While still being compassionate towards the victim, prosecution must base it case  on the law and penalties of the law versus the individual preferences of the victim as they tend to become more lenient during the course of the trial fearing retaliation in the future. Prosecution must also notify the defendant of this process so they don’t believe this is based upon the victim’s requests. Prosecutors must work hand in hand with law enforcement to obtain all the evidence associated with the case as well as identify and include all witnesses involved. Domestic violence can be deterred if prosecution sufficiently concentrates on the abuser risk by inflicting harsh sentences such as supervised probation and incarceration while revealing the defendants prior criminal and abuse history in hopes to prevent reoffending (Klein,  2009). The ideals that lawmakers had on prosecution or adjudication for domestic violence is consequently not being enforced. Legal representatives may become doubtful about the irregularity of violent behavior, or disbelieve the seriousness of the complainants, can either enforce the law firmly for prosecution purposes, or at the same time be understanding of the physical aggression that could be considered efficient punishment for the victim’s marital infidelity. Legal representatives are prone to characterize domestic violence as a civil matter for a ruling in divorce courts versus criminal courts. The prosecution and adjudication phases are substantial for offenders ultimately deciding their guilt or innocence, establishing a criminal record and providing a punishment. These phases are significant for the victim as well as they begin to trust the criminal justice system again (Erez,  2002). Judges Judges can ultimately be the final step in the adjudication process of domestic violence abusers so their role is extremely crucial in the protection of the victim. Merely handing down a guilty verdict does not guarantee reoffending of the abuser so judges should concentrate more on invasive sentences that include incarceration especially for those who are repeat offenders and those with an extensive criminal history. Even though judges should be open-minded when it comes to the views of the victims regarding punishment, he must enlighten all parties involved that he is compelled to hand out the most appropriate sentence pertaining to this case regardless of whether or not the victim agrees. Regardless whether the  defendant turns himself into the court for a domestic violence case, he should be treated as seriously as the offender arrested on scene as it has been shown that the typical offender flees the scene of the incident prior to officer’s arrival where a warrant is la ter issued for their arrest. Judges should hand down sentences that reflect the offender’s prior criminal history as those are signs of possible reoffending regardless if it reflects prior domestic violence offenses. In the event a defendant offends while pending another court case for domestic violence, judges may take that into account for purposes of bail, civil orders, and sentencing. Affidavits filled out by the victim don’t fully describe the abuse suffered by the victim or the fear of future abuse as this document is solely based upon the incident at hand. It is extremely valuable for the judge to further investigate this case by asking the victim more questions as well as examining the prior arrest history of the offender to have a better grasp on the whole picture relating to the abuse. Judges may issue protective orders to the victim but unfortunately this is only a strong piece of paper and it does not prevent abusers from reoffending. Judges should make every effort to house a user friendly courtroom, safe environment for all parties involved, be compassionate to the victims, and yet stern with defendants once some sort of abuse has been brought forward. When judges are able to represent the courtroom in this manner victims concerns are validated and the defendant’s behavior is shown to be unacceptable (Klein,  2009). Public Opinion Most people are in agreement that someone should step in when an abusive domestic violence situation arises, but they don’t agree on what their involvement should be, or the responsibility of the victim to reduce the violence by removing themselves from the abusive relationship. Even though people have the same opinion about domestic violence being a criminal act, they are not essentially on the same page that police should regularly arrest the offender or use other corrective authority versus using other alternatives. This apparent apprehension may be the outcome of people’s uncertainty concerning the applications of criminal sanctions. One theory is they believe offenders warrant the penalty of arrest or jail, yet another theory is they are often practical about the efficiency of the punishment  actually putting a stop to the aggressive actions or the probability the penalty will ultimately protect the victim. A more promising effect is possibly that of rehabilitation and victim or community focused changes. Nonetheless, such changes like offender treatments, education, and victims ultimately leaving the relationship continue to be a rare result (Carlson,  2002). Reform Recent reform within the prosecution and adjudication process of domestic violence includes the issuance of protective order as well as special legal defenses for battered women who have killed their abuser. At one time civil protection orders were only obtainable through a pending divorce, recently they have been pushed through legislation for battered women who are not currently involved in a divorce proceeding. The main objective of domestic violence reform has been aimed at the prosecution process as it has been found that too many cases, misdemeanors, were falling out of the criminal justice process during different stages. Through the years, domestic violence has become one of the most talked about policies and is in constant reform as ideals are continuously changing. Historically very little action by the police and prosecutors has been done regarding domestic violence and without a more serious offense, prior record of offender, possible weapon use, injuries, or physical evi dence most cases won’t see the inside of a courtroom. The most effective way to present a domestic violence case before the court is to have the victim’s cooperation but yet most prosecutors predict that victims will sign an affidavit of non prosecution ultimately dismissing the case altogether typically causing prosecutors to hesitate before filling a case. Prosecution efforts should be based upon the victim’s safety not the conviction of the offender. It should also be an approach to getting the word out to the offender that the abuse is unacceptable and will not be tolerated. Prosecutors have recently found a way to prosecute domestic violence offenses even when the complainant does not want to pursue charges. They have implemented victim advocacy programs within the prosecutor’s office in hopes to boost victim retention within the process. Another approach is the evidence based prosecution, which is the idea of gathering all significant evidence to build a case against an  offender without the victim. Many peo ple believe these practices take away from the victim’s freedoms of determining their course of action (Erez,  2002). Another reform is that of the battered woman syndrome which has been employed in hopes of fixing past practices of disregarding the difficulty battered women face when she wants to defend herself in court, or the necessity to apply principals of law, or self defense that were not particularly appropriate for issues relating to abuse. This tactic has been used as a legal defense for women who battered or killed their abuser after they have suffered many years of abuse and responded by causing harm or death to them. Often times these cases are from battered women who harm their abuser without first being irritated due to the psychological state of mind the victim has suffered for many years (Erez,  2002). Domestic violence has plagued all walks of life despite the age, race, religion, or background. Without the constant fight by all stakeholders within the criminal justice system for the victims of domestic violence, no real solution to the problem can come of this resolve. Constant and continuous reform is necessary to maintain the safety and security of all victims preserving their trust with the criminal justice system.

Letters vs. E-mail Essay -- Communication Writing Technology Essays

Letters vs. E-mail: Communicating through Writing My grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins live in Ireland leaving oceans and expensive air fare separating us. Through pictures, stories, letters, and phone calls I have come to know the history of my family, what brought my mother to this country, and what a life in Ireland is like. However, over time these forms of communication were not strong and consistent enough to enable me to build an emotional connection and relationship with specific members of my family. I mainly just heard my mother’s point of view and got to know my family through her experiences with them. That was before the invention of electronic mail, a faster, cheaper outlet for communication that can reach anyone in the world who has access to the World Wide Web. Without technology, cyber space, and e-mail I would have very little communication and understanding of my family in Ireland. Prior to the creation of e-mail, writing letters was the best way to communicate overseas or anywhere a phone company considered long distance. Phone calls were too expensive and the time difference between Ireland and Michigan made it inconvenient to reach someone at a suitable hour. Phone numbers and area codes are also constantly changing while e-mail addresses stay with you wherever you go. While I was in High School my family moved three times, making it difficult for my relatives overseas to keep up with which number was the most recent. However, they knew it was still possible to get a hold of us via e-mail. Communicating through letters was exhausting, demanded time, and required readable penmanship. It could take almost two weeks to receive mail and half the time it would... ...f writing provide for a fast and effective mode of communication. There are both positive and negative characteristics associated with the use of the postal mail system and the handwritten letter versus electronic mail and computer created text. However, without the invention of e-mail it would not be possible for me to communicate and keep in touch with my family overseas as often and frequently as I do. Thanks to e-mail I can now build a better relationship with family members I seldom get to physically interact with. Works Cited Baron, Dennis. â€Å"From Pencils to Pixels: The Stages of Literacy Technologies.† Tribble and Trubek 36. Lesser, Wendy. â€Å"The Conversion.† Tribble and Trubek, 227-231. Tribble, Evelyn, and Trubek, Anne, eds. Writing Material: Readings from Plato to the Digital Age. Addison Wesley Longman, Inc., 2003

Alcohol Abuse Introduction

Alcoholism and Alcohol Abuse Signs, Symptoms, and Help for Drinking Problems It’s not always easy to see when your drinking has crossed the line from moderate or social use to problem drinking. But if you consume alcohol to cope with difficulties or to avoid feeling bad, you’re in potentially dangerous territory. Alcoholism and alcohol abuse can sneak up on you, so it’s important to be aware of the warning signs and take steps to cut back if you recognize them. Understanding the problem is the first step to overcoming it. In This Article: * Understanding drinking problems * Signs & symptoms of alcohol abuse Signs & symptoms of alcoholism * Drinking problems and denial * Effects of alcoholism * Getting help for alcohol abuse * When a loved one has a drinking problem Understanding alcoholism and alcohol abuse Alcoholism and alcohol abuse are due to many interconnected factors, including genetics, how you were raised, your social environment, and your emotional heal th. Some racial groups, such as American Indians and Native Alaskans, are more at risk than others of developing alcohol addiction. People who have a family history of alcoholism or who associate closely with heavy drinkers are more likely to develop drinking problems.Finally, those who suffer from a mental health problem such as anxiety, depression, or bipolar disorder are also particularly at risk, because alcohol may be used to self-medicate. Since drinking is so common in many cultures and the effects vary so widely from person to person, it’s not always easy to figure out where the line is between social drinking and problem drinking. The bottom line is how alcohol affects you. If your drinking is causing problems in your life, you have a drinking problem. Do you have a drinking problem? You may have a drinking problem if you†¦ Feel guilty or ashamed about your drinking. * Lie to others or hide your drinking habits. * Have friends or family members who are worried a bout your drinking. * Need to drink in order to relax or feel better. * â€Å"Black out† or forget what you did while you were drinking. * Regularly drink more than you intended to. Signs and symptoms of alcohol abuse Substance abuse experts make a distinction between alcohol abuse and alcoholism (also called alcohol dependence). Unlike alcoholics, alcohol abusers have some ability to set limits on their drinking.However, their alcohol use is still self-destructive and dangerous to themselves or others. Common signs and symptoms of alcohol abuse include: * Repeatedly neglecting your responsibilities at home, work, or school because of your drinking. For example, performing poorly at work, flunking classes, neglecting your kids, or skipping out on commitments because you’re hung over. * Using alcohol in situations where it’s physically dangerous, such as drinking and driving, operating machinery while intoxicated, or mixing alcohol with prescription medication ag ainst doctor’s orders. Experiencing repeated legal problems on account of your drinking. For example, getting arrested for driving under the influence or for drunk and disorderly conduct. * Continuing to drink even though your alcohol use is causing problems in your relationships. Getting drunk with your buddies, for example, even though you know your wife will be very upset, or fighting with your family because they dislike how you act when you drink. * Drinking as a way to relax or de-stress. Many drinking problems start when people use alcohol to self-soothe and relieve stress.Getting drunk after every stressful day, for example, or reaching for a bottle every time you have an argument with your spouse or boss. The path from alcohol abuse to alcoholism Not all alcohol abusers become full-blown alcoholics, but it is a big risk factor. Sometimes alcoholism develops suddenly in response to a stressful change, such as a breakup, retirement, or another loss. Other times, it gra dually creeps up on you as your tolerance to alcohol increases. If you’re a binge drinker or you drink every day, the risks of developing alcoholism are greater. Signs and symptoms of alcoholism (alcohol dependence)Alcoholism is the most severe form of problem drinking. Alcoholism involves all the symptoms of alcohol abuse, but it also involves another element: physical dependence on alcohol. If you rely on alcohol to function or feel physically compelled to drink, you’re an alcoholic. Tolerance: The 1st major warning sign of alcoholism Do you have to drink a lot more than you used to in order to get buzzed or to feel relaxed? Can you drink more than other people without getting drunk? These are signs of tolerance, which can be an early warning sign of alcoholism. Tolerance means that, over time, you need more and more alcohol to feel the same effects.Withdrawal: The 2nd major warning sign of alcoholism Do you need a drink to steady the shakes in the morning? Drinking to relieve or avoid withdrawal symptoms is a sign of alcoholism and a huge red flag. When you drink heavily, your body gets used to the alcohol and experiences withdrawal symptoms if it’s taken away. These include: * Anxiety or jumpiness * Shakiness or trembling * Sweating * Nausea and vomiting * Insomnia | * Depression * Irritability * Fatigue * Loss of appetite * Headache | In severe cases, withdrawal from alcohol can also involve hallucinations, confusion, seizures, fever, and agitation.These symptoms can be dangerous, so talk to your doctor if you are a heavy drinker and want to quit. Other signs and symptoms of alcoholism (alcohol dependence) * You’ve lost control over your drinking. You often drink more alcohol than you wanted to, for longer than you intended, or despite telling yourself you wouldn’t. * You want to quit drinking, but you can’t. You have a persistent desire to cut down or stop your alcohol use, but your efforts to quit have been unsu ccessful. * You have given up other activities because of alcohol.You’re spending less time on activities that used to be important to you (hanging out with family and friends, going to the gym, pursuing your hobbies) because of your alcohol use. * Alcohol takes up a great deal of your energy and focus. You spend a lot of time drinking, thinking about it, or recovering from its effects. You have few if any interests or social involvements that don’t revolve around drinking. * You drink even though you know it’s causing problems. For example, you recognize that your alcohol use is damaging your marriage, making your depression worse, or causing health problems, but you continue to drink anyway.Drinking problems and denial Is my drinking a problem? by Harvard Health Publications Denial is one of the biggest obstacles to getting help for alcohol abuse and alcoholism. The desire to drink is so strong that the mind finds many ways to rationalize drinking, even when t he consequences are obvious. By keeping you from looking honestly at your behavior and its negative effects, denial also exacerbates alcohol-related problems with work, finances, and relationships. If you have a drinking problem, you may deny it by: * Drastically underestimating how much you drink Downplaying the negative consequences of your drinking * Complaining that family and friends are exaggerating the problem * Blaming your drinking or drinking-related problems on others For example, you may blame an ‘unfair boss’ for trouble at work or a ‘nagging wife’ for your marital issues, rather than look at how your drinking is contributing to the problem. While work, relationship, and financial stresses happen to everyone, an overall pattern of deterioration and blaming others may be a sign of trouble.If you find yourself rationalizing your drinking habits, lying about them, or refusing to discuss the subject, take a moment to consider why you’re so d efensive. If you truly believe you don’t have a problem, there should be no reason for you to cover up your drinking or make excuses. Five myths about alcoholism and alcohol abuse Myth #1: I can stop drinking anytime I want to. Maybe you can; more likely, you can’t. Either way, it’s just an excuse to keep drinking. The truth is, you don’t want to stop.Telling yourself you can quit makes you feel in control, despite all evidence to the contrary and no matter the damage it’s doing. Myth #2: My drinking is my problem. I’m the one it hurts, so no one has the right to tell me to stop. It’s true that the decision to quit drinking is up to you. But you are deceiving yourself if you think that your drinking hurts no one else but you. Alcoholism affects everyone around you—especially the people closest to you. Your problem is their problem. Myth #3: I don’t drink every day, so I can’t be an alcoholic OR I only drink wine o r beer, so I can’t be an alcoholic.Alcoholism is NOT defined by what you drink, when you drink it, or even how much you drink. It’s the EFFECTS of your drinking that define a problem. If your drinking is causing problems in your home or work life, you have a drinking problem—whether you drink daily or only on the weekends, down shots of tequila or stick to wine, drink three bottles of beers a day or three bottles of whiskey. Myth #4: I’m not an alcoholic because I have a job and I’m doing okay. You don’t have to be homeless and drinking out of a brown paper bag to be an alcoholic.Many alcoholics are able to hold down jobs, get through school, and provide for their families. Some are even able to excel. But just because you’re a high-functioning alcoholic doesn’t mean you’re not putting yourself or others in danger. Over time, the effects will catch up with you. Myth #5: Drinking is not a â€Å"real† addiction like drug abuse. Alcohol is a drug, and alcoholism is every bit as damaging as drug addiction. Alcohol addiction causes changes in the body and brain, and long-term alcohol abuse can have devastating effects on your health, your career, and your relationships.Alcoholics go through physical withdrawal when they stop drinking, just like drug users do when they quit. Effects of alcoholism and alcohol abuse Alcoholism and alcohol abuse can affect all aspects of your life. Long-term alcohol use can cause serious health complications, affecting virtually every organ in your body, including your brain. Problem drinking can also damage your emotional stability, finances, career, and your ability to build and sustain satisfying relationships. Alcoholism and alcohol abuse can also have an impact on your family, friends and the people you work with.The effects of alcoholism and alcohol abuse on the people you love Despite the potentially lethal damage that heavy drinking does to the body—in cluding cancer, heart problems, and liver disease—the social consequences can be just as devastating. Alcoholics and alcohol abusers are much more likely to get divorced, have problems with domestic violence, struggle with unemployment, and live in poverty. But even if you’re able to succeed at work or hold your marriage together, you can’t escape the effects that alcoholism and alcohol abuse has on your personal relationships.Drinking problems put an enormous strain on the people closest to you. Often, family members and close friends feel obligated to cover for the person with the drinking problem. So they take on the burden of cleaning up your messes, lying for you, or working more to make ends meet. Pretending that nothing is wrong and hiding away all of their fears and resentments can take an enormous toll. Children are especially sensitive and can suffer long-lasting emotional trauma when a parent or caretaker is an alcoholic or heavy drinker. Getting help for alcoholism or alcohol abuseIf you’re ready to admit you have a drinking problem, you’ve already taken the first step. It takes tremendous strength and courage to face alcohol abuse and alcoholism head on. Reaching out for support is the second step. Whether you choose to go to rehab, rely on self-help programs, get therapy, or take a self-directed treatment approach, support is essential. Recovering from alcohol addiction is much easier when you have people you can lean on for encouragement, comfort, and guidance. Without support, it’s easy to fall back into old patterns when things get tough.Getting sober is only the beginning Learn about roadblocks to staying sober Watch 3 min. video: Roadblocks to awareness Your continued recovery depends on continuing mental health treatment, learning healthier coping strategies, and making better decisions when dealing with life’s challenges. In order to stay alcohol-free for the long term, you’ll also ha ve to face the underlying problems that led to your alcoholism or alcohol abuse in the first place. Those problems could be depression, an inability to manage stress, an unresolved trauma from your childhood, or any number of mental health issues.Such problems may become more prominent when you’re no longer using alcohol to cover them up. But you will be in a healthier position to finally address them and seek the help you need. Helping a loved one with alcoholism or alcohol abuse If someone you love has a drinking problem, you may be struggling with a number of painful emotions, including shame, fear, anger, and self-blame. The problem may be so overwhelming that it seems easier to ignore it and pretend that nothing is wrong. But in the long run denying it will be more damaging to you, other family members, and the person with the drinking problem.What Not To Do * Don't attempt to punish, threaten, bribe, or preach. * Don't try to be a martyr. Avoid emotional appeals that ma y only increase feelings of guilt and the compulsion to drink or use other drugs. * Don't cover up or make excuses for the alcoholic or problem drinker or shield them from the realistic consequences of their behavior. * Don't take over their responsibilities, leaving them with no sense of importance or dignity. * Don't hide or dump bottles, throw out drugs, or shelter them from situations where alcohol is present. * Don't argue with the person when they are impaired. Don't try to drink along with the problem drinker. * Above all, don't feel guilty or responsible for another's behavior. Adapted from: National Clearinghouse for Alcohol ; Drug Information Dealing with a loved one’s alcohol problem can be an emotional rollercoaster. It’s vital that you take care of yourself and get the support you need. It’s also important to have people you can talk honestly and openly with about what you’re going through. A good place to start is by joining a group such as Al-Anon, a free peer support group for families coping with alcoholism.Listening to others with the same challenges can be a tremendous source of comfort and support. You can also turn to trusted friends, a therapist, or people in your faith community. * You cannot force someone you love to stop abusing alcohol. As much as you may want to, and as hard as it is to watch, you cannot make someone stop drinking. The choice is up to them. * Don’t expect the person to stop drinking and stay sober without help. Your loved one will need treatment, support, and new coping skills to overcome a serious drinking problem. * Recovery is n ongoing process. Recovery is a bumpy road, requiring time and patience. An alcoholic will not magically become a different person once sober. And the problems that led to the alcohol abuse in the first place will have to be faced. Admitting that there’s a serious problem can be painful for the whole family, not just the alcohol abuser. But don†™t be ashamed. You’re not alone. Alcoholism and alcohol abuse affects millions of families, from every social class, race, and culture. But there is help and support available for both you and your loved one.What Not To Do * Don't attempt to punish, threaten, bribe, or preach. * Don't try to be a martyr. Avoid emotional appeals that may only increase feelings of guilt and the compulsion to drink or use other drugs. * Don't cover up or make excuses for the alcoholic or problem drinker or shield them from the realistic consequences of their behavior. * Don't take over their responsibilities, leaving them with no sense of importance or dignity. * Don't hide or dump bottles, throw out drugs, or shelter them from situations where alcohol is present. Don't argue with the person when they are impaired. * Don't try to drink along with the problem drinker. * Above all, don't feel guilty or responsible for another's behavior. Adapted from: National Clearinghouse for Alcohol & Drug In formation When your teen has a drinking problem Discovering your child is drinking can generate fear, confusion, and anger in parents. It’s important to remain calm when confronting your teen, and only do so when everyone is sober. Explain your concerns and make it clear that your concern comes from a place of love.It’s important that your teen feels you are supportive. Five steps parents can take: 1. Lay down rules and consequences: Your teen should understand that drinking alcohol comes with specific consequences. But don’t make hollow threats or set rules that you cannot enforce. Make sure your spouse agrees with the rules and is prepared to enforce them. 2. Monitor your teen’s activity: Know where your teen goes and who he or she hangs out with. Remove or lock away alcohol from your home and routinely check potential hiding laces for alcohol—in backpacks, under the bed, between clothes in a drawer, for example. Explain to your teen that this la ck of privacy is a consequence of him or her having been caught using alcohol. 3. Encourage other interests and social activities. Expose your teen to healthy hobbies and activities, such as team sports, Scouts, and afterschool clubs. 4. Talk to your child about underlying issues. Drinking can be the result of other problems. Is your child having trouble fitting in? Has there been a recent major change, like a move or divorce, which is causing stress? . Get outside help: You don’t have to go it alone. Teenagers often rebel against their parents but if they hear the same information from a different authority figure, they may be more inclined to listen. Try seeking help from a sports coach, family doctor, therapist, or counselor. Next step†¦ Find the right treatment for you. Many effective alcohol treatment options are available, including rehab programs. However, professional help isn’t the only way to get better. There are also plenty of things you can do to help yourself stop drinking and achieve lasting recovery.